Social Cognitive Perspective and Phenomenological Perspective

Social Cognitive Perspective and Phenomenological Perspective The quoted text is taken from Social Psychology (Hollway et al 2007, p.35). It challenges the accountability of certain methods in their ability to accurately reflect the reality of social phenomena. Implicitly understood in this statement is that qualitative methods are better suited than quantitative methods. Qualitative methods are better able to reflect richness and complexity of lived experience than quantitative methods which are capable of limiting, constraining and distorting it. This is a polemical stance that has accompanied the growth in qualitative methods since the 1980s. The Social Cognitive Perspective (SCP) and Phenomenological Perspective (PP) demonstrate how strikingly different methods can be. They have different epistemological stances and make different ontological claims. The nature of being (ontology) is understood differently in social psychology, such as the information-processing individual in a social context (SCP) or the experiencing, embodied individual in relation with  others (PP). Limitations and benefits of the SCP and the PP are illustrated by a critical review of Milgrams 1970s experiment on obedience to authority and the works of Eatough and Smith (2006) on feelings of anger in the context of the lives of individual women. Gregen, K.J. (1973) in his account of social psychology as History gave voice to a debate about the relative merits of social psychology methods. In particular whether social psychology as a discipline was scientific in nature or should be considered as contemporary history. Gregen argued that social psychology was a product of historical and cultural climates which constantly changed, producing theories and knowledge that did not prove to be consistent. In this light it was suggested that the prevailing quantitative scientific methods should give way to more descriptive accounts with appreciation for how knowledge is situated within a social-cultural-historic context. These themes of situated knowledge are highlighted by Milgrams findings on obedience to authority. Milgram demonstrated through his experimental conditions the potential for acts of cruelty to be committed by a stranger (research participant and executant) to another stranger (researcher assistant and victim) because they were following orders (researcher and authority figure). His findings have been widely cited and used in psychological text books as factual scientific accounts. They have however been criticised on a number of ethical and substantive terms (Holloway et al 2007, p.53). For example Milgram recorded that participants were observed to sweat, tremble, stutter, bite their lips, and groan as they found themselves implicated (Milgram, 1977, p. 112; in Holloway et al 2007, p.54). The use of deception and unnecessary stress to research participants is seen by many as being unjustifiable. Milgram himself was less concerned with the immediate distress caused and was satisfied that questionnaires sent after one year showed participants felt positively towards the experiment (Milgram, 1974, p.195 within Hollway et al 2007, p.52). In Milgrams time research ethics were not as developed as they are today. Arguably the overall benefit of the research was deemed more important than any minor stress caused. This insight is perhaps justifiable given Milgrams interest in trying to understand how hatred and persecution of Jews under Hitlers Nazi Germany could have happened. Milgrams experimental conditions in which one agent commands another to hurt a third reflected his underlying theory that elements of authority, executant and victim were central to obedience and hostility (Milligram, 1977, p.102; in Holloway et al 2007, p.53). Apart from ethics critics such as Harre 1979, p.105 argues that there are substantive problems with his study. Harre notes that the issue of trust was overlooked; trust as a possible response to power was likely key to participants behaviour as an executants. In fact 40% of participants did not follow the instruction to inflict pain on the victim, however these accounts are given little attention. Similarly the research setting was changed because of a perceived influence of Yale University on giving authority to the instruction to the executant. It was moved from the universitys laboratory to the basement and then to a nearby town called Bridgeport. But, Milgram, 1977, p. 116 believed that the level of obedience in Bridgeport, although somewhat reduced, was not significantly lower than that obtained at Yale with 48% vs. 65% opposed. 17% between sites can be interpreted as statistically significant (Holloway et al 2007, p.53). Ultimately the reliability and validity of Milgrams findings can be questioned on a number of points. Although Milgram sort scientific objectivity he failed to consider ethical questions fully, did not explore the relevance of the research settings or participants personal experiences. PP provides an interesting perspective to juxtapose with traditional scientific methods. It has in its own right a long established history dating back to the C18th from philosophical works by Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jean-Paul Sartre, et al (Smith Woodruff 2009). As an approach to social psychology it became popular alongside a humanistic perspective in USA during the second half of the C20th. It seeks detailed descriptions instead of explanations for human behaviour, addressing all aspects of a topic, and suspending judgements and assumptions that may be held by the researcher (Hollway et al 2007, p131). Linda Finlay (2009) in Debating Phenomenological Research Methods acknowledges that variations in methodology have flourished within PP. The competing visions of how to practice phenomenology stem from different philosophical values, theoretical preferences, and methodological procedures. Smiths Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is however one that has become popular. Smith argues that his idiographic and inductive method, which seeks to explore participants personal lived experiences, is phenomenological in its concern for individuals perceptions. He also, however, identifies more strongly with hermeneutic traditions which recognize the central role played by the researcher, and does not advocate the use of bracketing (Smith, 2004). The competing visions of how to practice phenomenology stem from different philosophical values, theoretical preferences, and methodological procedures. Eatough and Smith (2006) used interpretative phenomenological analysis of feelings of anger in the context of the lives of individual women. Specifically they used descriptive tools to explore three analytic themes the subjective experience of anger, forms and contexts of aggression, and anger as moral judgment. They concluded that mean making is a fundamental process in how the participants formed emotions. The descriptive accounts from the interviews with Marilyn (one of the research participants) were given as a case in point. Eatough and Smith (2006) believed that Marilyns anger towards her mother was changed by her self-reflections and counselling. It can be argued that richness and complexity provided by PP in its account of womens anger by Eatough and Smith (2006) far outreaches that by its SCP counterparts. The SCP remains however the dominant perspective in social psychology and has been helped by innovations in research methods. For example, Fazio et al (1995) work that has built on the concepts of cognitive errors and biases implicated in prejudice thinking (Fiske and Taylor, 1991). Their research has suggested that subtle forms of prejudice are now more pervasive than blatant forms. Their experiment measured response times of white undergraduates when classifying stimulus words as either being positive or negative meaning; after viewing random photos of black and white faces. They found evidence of inhibition and facilitation effects which were largely automatic, unconscious associations, between the colour of faces and positive or negative evaluations. In conclusion, the quoted text implicitly suggests that methods such as those used by SCP can be limiting, constraining and distorting but perhaps this is only half the story. Although quantification can be accused of being myopic, failing to appreciate richness and complexity in the account of the social phenomena under question they often do so knowingly. The scientific tradition of looking for cause and effect relationships in social psychology continues to be dominant over other methodologies. This reflects the willingness of the discipline to continue to strive for objectivism, statistical reliability and validity, and ultimately for the advancement of practical application. Moreover, as Gregen, K.J. (1973) noted social psychology methods are constantly adapting and evolving the work of Fazio et al (1995) on subtle forms of prejudice being testament to this. In contrast richness and complexity of qualitative methods such as PP often comes at a cost as the research is time-consu ming may have limited practical application.

Twains Huck Finn Compared To The Movie :: essays research papers

The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain is a classic novel about a young boy who struggles to save and free himself from captivity, responsibility, and social injustice. Along his river to freedom, he aids and befriends a runaway slave named Jim. The two travel down the Mississippi, hoping to reach Cairo successfully. However, along the way they run into many obstacles that interrupt their journey. By solving these difficult tasks, they learn life lessons important to survival. The reader will find Huck and Jim more knowledgeable at the conclusion of the novel, and notice their love for life and for each other.After reading the novel and watching the Disney film Huck Finn, one will find many dissimilarities. Many of the classic scenes have been switched around and combined in the 1993 version. There are a few scenes in particular that I will focus and comment on.The major difference between the movie and the book is an important character named Tom Sawyer, who is not present or mentioned in the film. It is evident from reading the story that Tom was a dominant influence on Huck, who obviously adores him. Tom can be seen as Huck's leader and role model. He has a good family life, but yet has the free will to run off and have fun. Tom is intelligent, creative, and imaginative, which is everything Huck wishes for himself. Because of Tom's absence in the movie, Huck has no one to idolize and therefore is more independent. Twain's major theme in the novel is the stupidity and faults of the society in which Huck lives. There is cruelty, greed, murder, trickery, hypocrisy, racism, and a general lack of morality. All of these human failings are seen through the characters and the adventures they experience. The scenes involving the King and Duke show examples of these traits. The two con-artists go through many towns playing the same tricks and scams on the gullible townspeople hoping to make money. They put on acts in the novel such as the "Nonesuch" that get them almost killed as they run out of each town. These scenes, which prove as examples of the foolish society are not in the film.The naivetà © of the Wilks sisters is disturbing to Huck who attempts to help them stop the frauds from stealing their inheritance. The movie is dissimilar to the book in that it concludes with Mary Jane and her two sisters as the heroes who save Jim from being hanged and Huck from dying of a gun wound.

Historical Background of the 1987 Constitution Essay

The history of the 1987 Constitution began on 11 April 1899, the date when the Treaty of Paris between the United and Spain of 10 December 1898 became effective upon the exchange of instruments of ratification of both countries. But the sources of the 1987 Constitution are (i) McKinley’s Instructions to the Second Philippine Commission; (ii) Spooner Amendment; (iii) Philippine Bill of 1902; (iv) Jones Law of 1916, otherwise known as the Philippine Autonomy Act; (v) 1935 Constitution; (vi) 1973 Constitution and (vi) Freedom Constitution of 1986 and its implementing orders. Treaty of Paris Under the Treaty of Paris, the Philippines was ceded by Spain to the United States. Spain relinquished its sovereignty over the Philippine Islands, and with this, all laws of a political nature were automatically abrogated. The Treaty provided that the civil and political status of all inhabitants of the islands was to be determined by the US Congress. The Philippines in turn, was not given the status of an â€Å"incorporated territory† (as to make it a candidate for statehood) and so ex proprio vigore, the US Constitution did not apply to the Philippines unless the US Congress expressly enacted its provisions. McKinley’s Instructions President McKinley, legislating as Commander-in-Chief, issued on 7 April 1900 his â€Å"Letter of Instruction to the Second Philippine Commission † under Taft. It set up a â€Å"divided civil and military government† with the existing Military governor as the Executive, and a Philippine Commission, created on 1 September 1900, as the Legislative, both representing the US President as Commander-in-Chief. It also extended to the Philippines all the rights in the Bill of Rights of the US Federal Constitution, except the right to bear arms (because the country was in rebellion) and the right to a trial by jury (because the Americans distrusted the Filipinos capacity to be a just judge of his peers). The right to jury trial of an American charged with a crime in the Philippines was denied by the courts in US v Dorr, 2 Phil 332 (1903) by virtue of the Letter of Instruction. This was the first Organic Act (a law which establishes the structure and limitations of the government) of the Philippines. What it lacked, as a constitution, were the ratification by the people, and the right of amendment (which was reserved solely to the US President). The judiciary was subsequently established on 11 June 1901, with a Supreme Court, Courts of First Instance, and Justice of Peace Courts. Spooner Amendment On 4 July 1901, the Spooner Amendment, which was actually a rider to the â€Å"Army and Navy Appropriations Act,† changed the then â€Å"divided, military and civil government† into a fully civil government, under the US Congress. All acts of the Philippine Commission would now begin: â€Å"Be it enacted by the authority of the US government,† and no longer by authority of the US President. Philippine Bill of 1902 The US Congress now in control of the Philippines, ratified all the organic acts of the President, in order to prevent disruption of government, and on 1 July 1900, passed the Philippine Bill of 1902, which was to be organic act of the Philippines from 1902 to 1906. The organic act introduced significant provisions to constitutional history. The Philippine Commission was the upper house. It was under the Governor-General who retained all the executive power, including the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus upon recommendation of the Philippine Commission. It established an elective lower house called the Philippine Assembly, composed entirely of Filipinos. It called for the first election in the Philippines to fill up, the membership in the lower house, as soon as the Philippine insurrection stopped and there was a condition of general peace, except in the Moro and Non-Christian provinces. A census was taken and completed on 28 March 1903 and with a certification of peace and of Filipino acceptance of the US government made by the Philippine Commission on 29 March 1907, the election for the Philippine Assembly was conducted on 10 July 1907, with Osmena as speaker. The Bill also defined for the first time who the citizens of the Philippines were. They were all the inhabitants of the Philippine islands who were subjects of Spain as of 11 April 1899, who continued to reside therein, and all the children born subsequent thereto. This definition is still good law today. Jones Law On 29 August 1916, the US Congress passed the Jones Law, otherwise known as the Philippine Autonomy Act. It established a tripartite government with real separation of powers; this was the prototype of our present set-up. The executive power was in the hands of an American Governor-General, who was independent of the Legislature, and who was given the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and impose martial law without the recommendation of the Legislature. The Legislature was composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives, all composed of Filipinos. The judiciary continued to be made up of the Supreme Court, the CFIs and Justice of Peace Courts. Under this set-up, while the Filipinos has all the legislative power, the Americans had all the executive power and thus, also the control of the government. Thus, in the Board of Control (National Coal Corporation) cases, the US Supreme Court ruled, despite the dissent of Holmes and Brandeis, that the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House could not vote the stocks of the NCC and elect its directors because this was a political function. Only the Governor-General could vote the government shares, said the court. The definition of who were citizens of the Philippines first enunciated in the Philippine Bill of 1902, was carried over by the Jones Law. Tydings-McDuffie Law Although this was not an organic act, it is important in the constitutional history of the Philippines because it was to be the enabling statute, providing the mechanism whereby the constitution of an independent Philippines could be adopted. The law, upon its acceptance by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Philippines, provided for (i) the calling of a Constitutional Convention to draft a Constitution for the Philippines, (ii) the adoption of a Constitution that established a republican government, with a Bill of Rights, and a separation of church and state, (iii) the submission of the draft to the US President for certification that the Constitution was in conformity with the conditions set by the Tydings-McDuffie Law, and (iv) its ratification by the people in a plebiscite. Complete independence was to take place ten (10) years after its effectivity. 1935 Constitution Accordingly, on 30 July 1934, an election was held to choose the delegates to the Constitutional Convention. Claro M. Recto was elected President of the Convention. On 8 February 1935, the Concon approved the draft. On 23 March 1935, the draft was certified by the President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt as conforming to the Tydings-McDuffie Law. On 14 May 1935, it was ratified by the people in a plebiscite, with the provisions on the qualifications of the President, Vice-President and members of Congress taking effect upon ratification. In September 1935, the first election under the 1935 Constitution was conducted with Manuel Luis Quezon as President and Sergio Osmena as Vice- President. On 15 November 1935, upon the inauguration of the Commonwealth, the 1935 Constitution took effect. This Constitution was to serve as the charter of the Commonwealth, and upon withdrawal of US sovereignty, of the Republic. The Constitution provides for a tripartite government, with the executive lodged in the President who had a six-year term, the legislative in a unicameral National Assembly, and the judiciary in a Supreme Court, CFIs and Justice of Peace Courts as before. In 1940, it was amended to provide for (a) a bicameral Congress with a Senate and a House of Representatives; (b) a term of four years for the President, but with re-election and (c) the establishment of an independent constitutional body known as the Commission on Elections. War ensued, and the Philippines was so devastated that the declaration of its independence, due 15 November 1945 had to be postponed. At any rate, on 23 April 1946, the election of the first officials of the Philippine Republic was held, and on 4 July 1946, the Republic was inaugurated and the Philippines became â€Å"politically† independent of the US. Theoretically, to an extent that sovereignty is never granted to a people but is earned by them as they assert their political will, then it is a misnomer to say that 4 July 1946 was the day US granted independence to the Philippines. More appropriately, it was the day when the US withdrew its sovereignty over the Philippines, thus giving the Filipino people an occasion to assert their own independence. But not â€Å"economically†. On 30 April 1946, one week after the election, the US Congress passed the Bell Trade Act which would grant Philippine prime exports entry to the US free of customs duties from 1946 to 1954, and a gradual increase in duties from 1954 to 1974 (Laurel-Langley agreement), provided that the Philippines would grant US citizens and corporations the same privileges, and in addition, the right to explore natural resources of the Philippines in parity with the Filipinos, and to operate public utilities. This must be accepted by Congress, embodied in an Executive Agreement, and reflected as an amendment in the Constitution. The Senate approval of this bill gave rise to the case of Vera v Avelino, 77 Phil 192 (1946). The Senate then had 11 Nacionalistas and 13 Liberals. Three Nacionalista Senators-elect (Vera, Diokno and Romero), known to be against the Bell Trade Act, were prevented by the rest of the Senate, in what is known as â€Å"exclusion proceedings,† on grounds that their elections were marred with fraud. The political motivation was clear but the SC was conned into lifting the injunction it issued for the withholding of the suspension, because of the unfulfilled promise that the Senate would not carry out the suspension. With the balance of power offset, the Bell Trade Act was passed. Subsequently, the SC had to dismiss the petition on the ground that the principle of separation of powers, it could not order a co-equal branch to reinstate a member. The Senate authorized President Roxas to enter into an Executive Agreement, which he did on 3 July 1946, the eve of the declaration of Philippine Independence. Then came the amendment of the Constitution in order to include the Parity Rights Agreement, which gave rise to the case of Mabanag v Lopez Vito, 78 Phil 1 (1947). Under the Amendatory Provisions of the 1935 Constitution, Congress, acting as constituent body, needed 3/4 vote to propose an amendment to the Constitution. But with the three Senators still suspended, only the 21 remaining were used as the basis for computing the 3/4 requirement. When this was raised in court, it begged off from ruling on the ground that it was a political question. It also used the Enrolled Bill Theory. So with the amendment proposed, it was subsequently ratified on 5 March 1947. The third time the Constitution was amended (1940, 1947) was in 1967. A Resolution of both houses provided for (a) the amendment of the Constitution by a Convention, (b) the increase of seats in the House of Representatives to make the Concon sufficiently representative, and (c) allowing members of the House as delegates without forfeiting their seats. The first was approved, the second and third were rejected. This became the subject matter of Gonzales v COMELEC. Election of delegates to the Concon took place on 10 November 1970. Then the ConCon met on 1 June 1971. Before it finished its work, it came up with a resolution calling for an amendment to the 1935 Constitution reducing the voting age from 21 to 18, so that a wider base could vote in the ratification of the Constitution then being drafted. A plebiscite was set by the COMELEC for 8 November 1971 but this was enjoined by the SC in the case of Tolentino v COMELEC, the court ruling that a piece-meal amendment was not allowed by the 1935 Constitution since it provided that the amendments were to be ratified at â€Å"an election† which meant only one election. The Court upheld its jurisdiction over the ConCon by arguing that since the Concon derived its power from the Constitution, it was thus limited by the Constitution. But it was subsequently overtaken by Martial Law. On 30 November 1972, the Convention submitted its â€Å"draft† to the President, who called on a plebiscite to ratify the Constitution. This was questioned in the case of Planas v COMELEC, 49 SCRA 105 (1973) on the ground that there can be no freedom of expression under Martial Law. But the case was rendered moot and academic when the President cancelled the plebiscite and instead held a citizens’ assembly on 10 to 15 January, 1973. On 17 January 1973, the President came up with a proclamation that the Constitution had come to full force and effect after its overwhelming ratification by the people in a viva voce vote. 1973 Constitution The validity of the ratification process was questioned in the case of Javellana v Executive Secretary, 50 SCRA 30 (1973) but the failure of the SC to come up with the necessary votes to declare the act as unconstitutional forced it into the conclusion that â€Å"there are no further obstacles to considering the constitution in force and effect.† The 1973 Constitution was amended four times. The first, in 1976, gave the President, legislative powers even if the Interim Batasang Pambansa was already operating. The second, in 1980 was not significant. It merely raised the retirement of justices of the SC from 65 to 70 as to keep Fernando for five more years. The third, in 1980 changed the form of government from Parliamentary to Presidential. The fourth, in 1984, responded to the succession problem by providing for a Vice-President. The start of the end of the Marcos years, of course, could be treated as early as 21 August 1983. But its immediate precursor was the Snap Election which the President was forced to call and set on 7 February 1986 to respond to the clamor for popular mandate. The validity of the â€Å"Snap Election Law† called by the Batasang Pambansa was raised in the case of Philippine Bar Association v COMELEC, 140 SCRA 455 (1985). The issue was raised because of the conditional letter of resignation sent by Mr. Marcos to the Batasan, making his resignation effective only upon (i) the holding of a Presidential election, (ii) the proclamation of a winner, (iii) the assumption into office by the winning candidate. It was contended that a conditional resignation was not allowed under the 1973 Constitution, for it did not create a vacancy, and without a vacancy, there was no reason to call for an election. But the SC failed to issue a preliminary injunction to enjoin the COMELEC from preparing for the election, thus making â€Å"the initially legal question into a political one.† In the meantime, the political parties have started campaigning and the people were so involved in the election that to stop it on legal grounds would frustrate their very will. And so, failing to come up with the majority to hold the Snap Election Law unconstitutional, the SC could not issue the injunction prayed for. The election went ahead. The rest is history. The results of the election were proclaimed by the Batasan, naming Marcos and Tolentino as the winners. But the February 2 to 25, 1986, EDSA revolution took place. On 25 February, Marcos was proclaimed in Malacanang by Makasiar, while Aquino was proclaimed in Club Filipino by Teehankee. Later that evening, Marcos fled to Hawaii. A. The February 1986 Revolution and the Proclamation of Provisional Constitution. Freedom Constitution What was the basis of the Aquino government? Did it assume power pursuant to the 1973 Constitution, or was it a revolutionary government? Proclamation No. 1, 25 February 1986 (Provisional government).– But Proclamation No. 3 which announced the Provisional Constitution, seemed to suggest that it was a revolutionary government, since in one of its whereases it announced that the â€Å"new government was installed, through a direct exercise of the power of the Filipino people assisted by units of the New Armed Forces,† referring to the EDSA revolution. The better view is the latter view. The Aquino government was not an offshoot of the 1973 Constitution for under that Constitution, a procedure was given for the election of the President — proclamation by the Batasan — and the candidate Batasan proclaimed was Marcos. Lawyers League v Aquino (GR Nos. 73748, 73972 & 73990, May 22, 1986).– This view was affirmed in Lawyers League v Aquino where the legitimacy of the Aquino government is questioned on the ground that it was not established pursuant to the 1973 Constitution. The SC ruled that petitioners had no personality to sue and their petition states no cause of action. â€Å"For the legitimacy of the Aquino government is not a justiciable matter. It belongs to the realm of politics where only the people of the Philippines are the judge. And the people have made the judgment; they have accepted the government of President Aquino which is in effective control of the entire country so that it is not merely a de facto government but in fact and law a de jure government. Moreover, the community of nations has recognized the legitimacy of the present government. All the eleven members of this Court as reorganized, have sworn to uphold the fundamental law of the Republic under her government.† The Aquino government was a result of a â€Å"direct state action.† It was not as if a small group revolted and succeeded in wresting power in the end. Rather, the entire state revolted and overthrew the government, so that right from the beginning, the installation was already lawful and the government was at all times de jure. In this regard, it must be noted that there is no such thing as a constitutional right of revolution. A revolution, from the point of view of a State, is always lawful since a State can never go wrong; it can change its government in whatever way the sovereign sees fit. But this right of revolution, inherent in sovereignty, cannot be recognized in a Constitution, for this would be self-destructive. The nature of a Constitution is to set-up a government and provide for an orderly way to change this government. A revolution contradicts this nature. Proclamation No. 3, March 25, 1986 (Provisional Constitution).– At any rate, the Provisional Constitution or Freedom Constitution was adopted on 25 March 1986 through Proclamation No. 3. It abrogated the legislative provisions of the 1973 Constitution, modified the provisions regarding the executive department, and totally reorganized the government. (Its use of the 1973 Constitution, however, is not be to construed that it was a continuation thereof.) Then it provided for the calling of a Constitutional Commission, composed of 30 to 50 members appointed by the President within 60 days. (In our history, all major constitutions — Malolos, 1935, 1971 — were drafted by elected delegates.) The President appointed 48 Commissioners, who worked on the Constitution from 1 June to 15 October 1986. The draft was submitted to the people in a referendum on 2 February 1987. On 11 February 1987, the President, through Proclamation No. 58, announced its overwhelming ratification by the people and that, therefore, it had come into force and effect. In Re: Saturnino Bermudez (145 SCRA 160)(1960).– In the case of In Re: Saturnino Bermudez , the SC held, quoting the previous case of Lawyers League v Aquino, that: [T]he legitimacy of the Aquino government is not a justiciable matter. It belongs to the realm of politics where only the people of the Philippines are the judge. And the people have made the judgment; they have accepted the government of President Aquino which is in effective control of the entire country so that it is not merely a de facto government but in fact and law a de jure government. Moreover, the community of nations has recognized the legitimacy of the present government. All the eleven members of this Court as reorganized, have sworn to uphold the fundamental law of the Republic under her government.

The impact of the French Revolution on Ballet - 2183 Words

The impact of the French Revolution on Ballet The French Revolution was a bloody civil war that lasted from the years 1789-1799. [1] The revolution arose out of hard economic times that had befallen France. Widespread famine and hunger, due to a grain shortage, rampaged through sections of the country. The economic crisis led to an increase in taxes on the lower classes, known as the third estate, to upkeep the lavish lifestyle of the nobility. [1] All of these are the known factors that led to the rise of the French Revolution. The revolution emphasized the ideals of â€Å"Liberty, Equality, Fraternity† and was characterized by the strong will of the French people who stood up for what they believed in. It was also an extremely†¦show more content†¦[4] Costumes during the period immediately preceding the Revolution, commonly known as the Baroque period, were extremely showy. Dances were typically cold and extremely stylized, they did not seek to connect with the audience but rather to astound them with extreme wealth. Watching a ballet from the time period would more likely leave the audience in awe at the scenery and intricacies rather than feeling raw emotion from a moving storyline. Ballet’s that were shown in the theaters leading up to the fall of the Bastille were always subject to scrutiny and censorship. Each ballet or play that was shown on stage had to be consistent with the political and social views of the monarchy. Ballet was rooted in court life, and it was not as widely available to the common people. As such, it had to adapt in order to survive this particularly deadly and brutal period in time. The ballet’s that the court was accustomed to seeing were disconnected from the lower class, just like the actual courtiers themselves. Ballet is just one example of why exactly the French people rose up against their government. 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The French composer Claude Debussy wrote the symphonic poem in 1892 and based it on Stà ©phane Mallarmà ©Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s poem, â€Å"L aprà ¨s-midi d un Faune.† In 1917, Sergei Prokofiev composed the Piano Concerto No.3 in Brittany, France, drawing on the ideas that he obtained over a decade (Laki 7). As one of many Russian composers who were faced with the October Revolution of 1917, Prokofiev may have foreseen more freedom and success in the WestRead MoreMexico : A Great Pick For A Future Vacation2232 Words   |  9 PagesEaster they have religious parades with festivals on Good Friday and Easter Sunday. Dia de la Raza is called the â€Å" day of the race† to celebrate the arrival of Christopher Columbus. Independence Day is also celebrated. which marks the victory over the French in 1862. The se are just a few of their holidays they celebrate in their country throughout the year. Mexico has some basic native food that they like to eat such as corn, beans, and chili peppers. The Europeans introduce other foods like beefRead MoreHow Attitudes Towards Music Changed Between The Baroque And Romantic Eras2057 Words   |  9 PagesBaroque period, there was all the ‘proper’ music that was meant for dancing, that was commissioned by the upper classes such as the sarabands and allemandes. This was because elegant dancing was normally reserved for the nobility. for example, The ‘ballet de cour’ 1was established by Louis XIV of France in the early baroque period. This consisted of ballroom dancing that was more of a social event, and was a good way of the aristocracy demonstrating their etiquette skills (the way you hold yourself)Read MoreOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 PagesParadigm for an Urban World †¢ Howard Spodek 53 3 Women in the Twentieth-Century World Bonnie G. Smith 83 4 The Gendering of Human Rights in the International Systems of Law in the Twentieth Century †¢ Jean H. Quataert 116 5 The Impact of the Two World Wars in a Century of Violence †¢ John H. Morrow Jr. 161 6 Locating the United States in Twentieth-Century World History †¢ Carl J. Guarneri 213 7 The Technopolitics of Cold War: Toward a Transregional Perspective †¢ GabrielleRead MorePhysical Fitness7979 Words   |  32 Pageshigh school and some middle school PE classes are single-sex. Requiring individuals to participate in physical education activities, such as dodge ball, flag football, and other competitive sports remains a controversial subject because of the social impact these have on young children. It is, however, important to note that many school budgets have seen cutbacks and in some cases physical education programs have been cut. Technology use in physical education New technology in Physical education is playing